Committee: Security
Council
Somalia – a Culture of War and Violence
By: Mark Teeple
“The gun rules Somalia today. My gun is how I
support my family.”
–Bashir, Somali man
(extracted from BBC report)
“There has never been a war without an enemy, and to abolish
war, we must transcend and supersede enemy images with understanding, tolerance
and solidarity among all peoples and cultures.” – UN Programme of Action on a
Culture of Peace
Introduction: An Endless Struggle
Not many places have the distinction of continuous fighting,
war, famine and anarchy for nearly half a century – not even the volatile Middle
East, certainly not a statistic of which to be proud.
Since 1963, the Somali people
have developed a culture of violence and survival where a gun is a means by
which to live to support family and community.
There are no friends, simply allegiances based on who can provide the
most regular food supply and ensure safety and security from warlords. Hope and trust are rare commodities – but not
impossible to find.
There is a growing feeling of
hope and desire for a better future, largely driven by a mildly successful
interim government and elections and a short period of quiet and stability in
the capital Mogadishu
– however led by an unwelcome militia, and brought to a violent end. The interim government, led
by President Abdullah Yusuf and Prime Minister
Mohammed Ali Gedi, have called for
international military and police support.
The time is right for careful international assistance with regard to
the past and a view towards the future.
Somali History and People
Originally the British and Italian colony of Somaliland,
modern day Somalia
was formed in 1960 with the unification and independence of the two
colonies. With a strong African economy
as a result of its important location on the Horn of Africa, Somalia has been an important
centre of trade since the 7th Century.
At the time of independence and
continuing today, Somalis were divided into six clans and thousands of
sub-clans with often violent and unsettling rivalries – a direct cause of the
segmentation of today’s population.
In late 1969, following the
assassination of President Abdirashid Ali Shermake, a military government took power in a coup lead
by Major General Muhammad Siad Barre,
who became President and police General Jama Korshel, who became Vice President. Together, they immediately began a massive
public works and literacy campaign in the country, successfully raising the
literacy level from 5% to 55% by the 1980’s.
However, Barre never integrated the North and
South nor courted the clans and sub-clans who later rose up in opposition.
In 1977, Somalia sought to annex the ethnic Somali
regions of Kenya and Ethiopia
through negotiation, hoping to secure the right of self determination. With failed negotiations and ethnic Somalis’
being expelled from Ogaden province, Somalia supported the Ogaden
National Liberation Front in fighting with Ethiopia. Seeking to capture the province, Somalia invaded
unilaterally in the Ogaden War without consulting the
international community, who generally fought to keep the colonial borders
intact. Refusing to support Somalia, the USSR
backed Ethiopia (and the United States, not wanting to confront the USSR
in this time of détente, remained out of the fight) who eventually forced the
Somali army into retreat.
With the government losing moral
authority and control of the nation, guerrilla groups began to form opposing
the autocratic rule of President Barre. In response, Barre
ordered a reign of terror on three of the clans, ordering water wells and
grazing lands destroyed while the army raped and massacred thousands. Furthermore, Barre
also assassinated several prominent members of his cabinet, ostensibly because
they were gaining too much popularity and power.
In the north, the Isaaq clan, discontented with being sidelined by Barre, formed the Somali National Movement (SNM), supported
financially and morally by Ethiopia. Also in the north was the Somali Salvation
Democratic Front (SSDF), led by Abdullahi Yusuf who was later to become the President of the Somali
Transitional Government. These clan-based
militias, particularly the Majerten and Hawiye, began terrorizing the central and northern portions
of Somalia.
leaving a trail of mass killings, rape and torture. In the 1980’s, these militias made large
headway in gaining territory in the northern Somaliland
territory.
With the end of the Cold War
nearing in the 1980’s, Somalia quickly lost its strategic importance (and
$100million USD a year in aid from the United States) while the military
government became increasingly totalitarian, with resistance movements
beginning in all parts of the country, eventually leading to civil war in 1991.
Led by General Mohammad Farrah Aidid and his rebel group, the United Somali Congress
attacked Mogadishu,
finally overthrowing Barre in January 1991. Ali Mahdi Muhammad,
a warlord from the Hawiye clan, succeeded Barre as President until November of that year. However, his term was less than successful,
never able to exert political or military control over most of the
country.
By then, Somalia had
fallen into anarchy and chaos, with warlords and clans fighting for power and
control. Later that year, the northern
portion of the country declared its independence as Somaliland;
although relatively stable and calm compared to the rest of the nation, it has
never been recognized by a foreign government.
Splits in the United Somali Congress in 1992 caused further fighting and
segmentation, especially around Mogadishu.
In 1998, the Majeetain
clan declared the area of Somalia
encompassing the northeastern tip, the horn and the northern Indian
Ocean coast as an independent state, Puntland. Relatively stable and prosperous and unlike
Somaliland, Puntland has made it very clear in that
it would like to take part in a confederated Somalia and as such has not sought
recognition by another state.
The latest round of peace talks
were conducted in 2003 and resulted in the creation of a Transitional Federal Government
(TFG), and the election of a Transitional Parliament. Central to the TFG’s power and area of control is southwestern Somalia,
comprising mainly the Bay, Bakool, Jubbada Dhexe, Gedo, Shabeellaha Hoose and Jubbada Hoose regions which had declared itself
autonomous in 2002. At the time of declaration, the Rahanweyn
Resistance Army was in control of only part of the area. Internal conflicts weakened the army
militarily and have since become the home of the TFG comprising most of its
central area of control.
In 2004, the TFG wrote and passed
a charter for the governing of Somalia
and proceeded to elect Abdullahi Yusuf,
the former leader of the Puntland region, as
President and Mohammed Ali Ghedi as Prime
Minister. The US State Department has
alleged that Yusuf was responsible for at least two
deliberate killing of non-combatants while he was President of Puntland. Ghedi, a relative unknown in Somali politics, comes from
one of the countries most powerful clan families. He narrowly survived a suicide attack in June
2007 that left seven dead at his home.
In 2006, the Islamic Courts Union
(ICU) rose to quick power in Somalia,
taking the capital Mogadishu
in the Second Battle of Mogadishu in June.
The ICU is a union of Sharia Courts united to challenge the Transitional
Federal Government.
Created as the main judicial
system in Somalia
following the 1991 collapse of the government, the ICU initially had wide
support in the mainly Islamic country.
Over time, the courts took on additional responsibilities, including
health and education, and offered security and policing services paid for by
local businesses looking for protection and reduced crime. Further, they also took steps to institute a
system of Sharia Law, starting with removing films
they deemed to be pornographic films in local cinemas. Seeing a benefit of coordinating the efforts
of the local courts, a larger partnership association was created. In 1999, the group began to assert authority,
while supporters united to form the Islamic Courts Union armed militia, and
later that year captured part of Mogadishu
and established a krytocracy.
The Ethiopian Connection
The current Somali-Ethiopian conflict over the Ogaden region dates to 1948 when the region was granted to Ethiopia with
war and conflict traced back as far as the 16th Century. Since then, Somalia
has engaged in active war with Ethiopia
to recapture the Ogaden region to reunite in a
greater Somalia,
beginning with an armed 1964 border dispute and continuing through one major
war to present day, there has been almost continual tension between the two
nations.
1977 saw the beginning of the Ogaden war. Seeing a
regional shift in power, Somalia
decided to take advantage by pressuring Ethiopia
to give up the region, eventually leading Somalia
to invade Ethiopia. The Soviet Union, which had previously
supported Somalia, switched
sides and backed Ethiopia. Somalia
was quickly expelled from Ethiopia
and a truce was signed in 1978, with Kenya
and Ethiopia signing a
collective security agreement to contain Somalia.
Furthermore, Ethiopia has a
storied history of interfering in Somali national politics, most notably
backing the Somali National Movement in working against the Siad
Barre regime in the 1980’s, and the Hawiye and Majerten clans, in
hoping to overthrow the Somali government.
The United Somali Congress, led by Aidid, received aid from Ethiopia and was eventually successful in
overthrowing the Barre government, and consequently
became a major target of both US and UN missions in Somalia, as well as a major figure
in the Transitional Federal Government over 15 years later.
Recently, July 20, 2006, saw
Ethiopian troops enter Somali territory in an attempt to support the TFG in
preventing the spread of the Islamic movement (a desire shared by the
Americans, who do not wish to see Islamic law and rule take hold in Africa), as
well to protect their borders from the ICU who had previously threatened to
invade the Ogaden region. As well, Addis Abba reports a concern of
al-Qaeda activity in Somalia. An estimated 8000 Ethiopian troops remain in
Somalia to today, with concerns of the TFG acting as a ‘puppet’ government for
Ethiopia given the classically tense situation between the two nations (and
when Eritrea’s – who supports the ICU - involvement is taken into account, the
tension reaches a fever pitch, with the strained relations and history between
Ethiopia and Eritrea).
The UN, African Union, al-Qaeda, Canada
and the USA
1992 saw the first UN Security Council resolutions passed on
Somalia
– UN Security Council Resolution 733 and UN Security Council Resolution 746 led
to the creation of UNOSOM I to provide relief and humanitarian aid following
the dissolution of the central government.
Authorized to use force only in self defense, the force quickly became
obsolete and considered a joke by local warlords. To local Somali’s, the presence of foreign
troops underscored the fear of a return of colonial imperialism and as such the
majority of Somali’s opposed the foreign intervention.
In 1992, after the failure of the
UNOSOM I, UN Security Council Resolution 794 was passed unanimously authorizing
the United States
to organize a military coalition with the intention of creating a secure
environment in order to conduct humanitarian operations. The United Task Force (or UNITAF) entered Somalia under
the auspices of Operation Restore Hope and had limited success in creating the
security necessary to conduct the necessary humanitarian operations. UNITAF often found itself fighting the very
same Somali’s they were there to help.
Critics of US involvement are
quick to point out the majority of Somali territory at the time of intervention
was grated as oil concessions to US oil companies – with one such company
lending its Somali headquarters to the US embassy for use prior to the first
marine’s landing in Somalia, and became the headquarters of the US Special
Envoy to Somalia.
Canada, as a contributor of 900
troops from its famed elite Airborne Regiment, faced harsh conditions causing a
lot of tension and animosity for soldiers. Looting was a serious concern at the
makeshift base set up in the south of the country. On one occasion, Canadian soldiers shot a
Somali man to death when he was caught inside the camp attempting to steal
supplies, and on another occasion soldiers beat a teenage Somali boy to death
while he was attempting to break into the camp.
The resulting scandal forced Canada with withdraw and eventually
led to the breakup of the Airborne Regiment.
In May of 1993, UNOSOM II was
created and consisted mostly of Pakistani forces. Charged with a nation building mandate as
well as instituted arms embargo’s and trade sanctions on Somalia, which many
nations including Ethiopia, Eritrea and the United States – have been accused
of breaking. Mohamed Farrah
Aidid, a Mogadishu
warlord, saw the force as a threat to his power and control. In response, Aidid attacked the Pakistani
forces inflicting over 80 casualties.
The UN pulled out all troops and personnel by mid-1995.
In October of 1993, just months
after the Canadian incident, US soldiers launched an attack on Aideed, a Mogadishu
warlord wanted in the war. During the
operation, two US MH-60 Blackhawk helicopters were shot down, and three others
damaged, by rocket-propelled grenade fire.
Several of the wounded were trapped at the crash site all night – cut
off and fighting. Early the following
morning, a task force consisting of soldiers from Pakistan, Malaysia and the
United States – including over 100 vehicles, Pakistani tanks, Malaysian armored
personnel carriers, and several US helicopters.
The task force was able to rescue all survivors from the first crash
site, but was unable to reach the second, where the lone survivor was taken
hostage (and later released). It is
reported that nearly 1000 Somali militiamen were killed, as well as 18 US soldiers
including two snipers who were overrun by militia while trying to protect the
second crash site and 79 injured.
The American public was disgusted by the images of two dead
soldiers being dragged through the streets of Mogadishu by local Somali’s, which led to the
withdrawal of American troops a year later.
Recently, the US and European
Union have been willing to finance a peacekeeping mission by the African Union
(AU) in Somalia, but has been stalled due to a lack of African nations offering
military forces for the mission.
The United Nations Security
Council passed resolutions 1724 and 1725 on December 6, 2006 authorizing the AU
and the Intergovernmental Agency on Development (IGAD) to conduct a protection
and training mission in Somalia,
and temporarily lifting the ban on importing weapons for this group to conduct
their mission. TFG supporters were
generally positive backers of the plan, while the ICU positioned itself against
the plan – not wanting foreign troops present in the country. Uganda was the first nation to step up and
offer a battalion to the mission, but quickly withdrew the offer after the ICU
threatened to attack any UN peacekeepers in Somalia with deadly force, balking
at a previous agreement to avoid hostilities between the ICU and the mission –
later named the African Union Mission to Somalia (AMISOM) in 2007 when the
mission was widened to invite more African participation.
While the United Nations Security
Council was deadlocked on the issue of Ethiopian withdrawal, the AU implicitly
backed the Ethiopian intervention on December 26, 2006. On the same day, with fighting intensifying,
the Security Council convened and heard from UN Special Envoy Francois Lonseny Fall who reported that due to the fighting, all UN
and NGO personnel had been evacuated from Somalia, including the UN Dis0aster
Assessment and Coordination Team, after 2 million flood-affected people had
been put at risk with the latest fighting.
Currently, there is an 8000
member AU force planned, with 1700 Ugandan troops as the only forces currently
on the ground. Nigeria has pledged 850 troops, and Burundi 1700, with Ghana expected to contribute. However, only half of the planned force has
been pledged by nations and the Ugandan troops have kept a low profile since
arriving in the country. Being one of
the most talked about peacekeeping forces in the world, hope for success if low
due to failure of the AU mission in Darfur to
protect civilians and quell unrest. The
Ethiopians began to pull back troops, but stopped when fighting intensified and
have canceled any plans for further roll backs in the foreseeable future.
The World Food Programme is
currently providing relief to approximately 275000 of Somalia’s 450000 affected
Somali’s, and over 1million in the Horn of Africa region – a mere fraction of
the total affected and needing help, after a major draught, flooding and
continued warfare.
While the ICU was essentially
founded by wealthy businessmen looking for protection for themselves and their
businesses, there are elements of the organization wishing to create an Islamic
state governed by Sharia Law. The group
was blamed for several car bomb attacks in December 2006 and the assassination
attempt on President Yusuf. While the
ICU denies allegations of ties to al-Qaeda, diplomats assert the presence of
training facilities in the nation, with small groups of al-Qaeda militants and
foreigners operating in Somalia. Moreover, CNN journalist Peter Bergen
confirmed in an interview with Osama Bin Laden for his 2001 book the presence
of al-Qaeda militants at the Battle for Mogadishu. At least four terrorist attacks on Israeli
and US assets in North Africa are directly connected to Somalia.
Latest Developments
In early 2006, a conflict broke out between the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and
Counter-Terrorism, an alliance of Mogadishu
warlords, and militias loyal to the ICU, with Mogadishu residents describing it as the
worst fighting in nearly a decade and resulting in several hundred civilians
being killed in the crossfire. The CIA
was accused of funding the warlords in an effort to prevent the Islamists from
taking power.
June found the ICU in control of
the whole of Mogadishu following the Second
Battle of Mogadishu, with the last stronghold of the Alliance for the Restoration of Peace and
Counter-Terrorism falling with little resistance to the ICU. President Yusuf,
with the backing of Ethiopia,
lobbied the African Union for a 7500 strong East African peacekeeping force to
disarm the militia who continue to fight.
Opposed to this plan, the ICU lobbied to have the plan abandoned, fearing the presence of foreign forces
particularly Ethiopians in Somalia. The ICU fears Ethiopia
seeks to occupy or rule Somalia
by proxy.
The ICU quickly and quietly took
control of much of the south of Somalia,
usually through negotiation with local chiefs than by force, making sure to
stay clear of Baidoa, the government headquarters
which Ethiopia
had vowed to protect. Somali refugees,
as well as the TFG, lived close to the border and were protected by Ethiopian
troops.
On October 9, 2006, the ICU
issued a war declaration against Ethiopia. By November 1, peace talks between the TFG,
with their stronghold in the north, and the ICU from the south broke down. The international community took notice,
fearing an all out civil war, with Ethiopia
and Eritrea
supporting opposing sides. On December
21, heaving fighting broke out between the forces. Ethiopian forces launched a unilateral air
strike on December 24 against the Islamist troops, marking the first time Ethiopia has ever publicly admitted involvement
in Somalia. Later that day, Ethiopian Prime Minister Meles Zenawi announced that Ethiopia
was waging war against the Islamists to protect his countries sovereignty.
December 25, 2006, saw Ethiopia
declare war on the Islamic Courts Union.
Heavy fighting followed, with Ethiopian troops, backed by tanks and
jets, pushing against the ICU forces towards Mogadishu.
By December 28, Ethiopia
had entered Mogadishu
once the Islamists fled the city.
Retreating south, the Islamists entrenched themselves on the border with
Kenya. In early January, the TFG and Ethiopia
attacked, capturing the Islamist positions.
On January 9, 2007, the United
States openly intervened in the conflict by
sending Lockheed AC-130 gun ships to attack Islamist positions in Ras Kamboni, killing dozens, with
the ICU already largely defeated.
On September 13, 2007, opposition
leaders from the ICU and others met in Eritrea
and formed a new group, the Alliance
for the Liberation of Somalia. They
vowed to take back Somalia
and oust Ethiopia
either by force or diplomacy. TFG
leaders ridiculed the group, calling them defunct and saying that they lacked
broad political support in their moves, saying that the government was close to
eradicating them.
The Security Council is being
asked to consider and discuss this ongoing and growing conflict. The African Union has requested the United
Nations create a long-term force to enter Somalia to take over from the short
term African Union mission. The council
must consider the viability of the mission, as well as the capabilities of the
UN to mount such a mission. Furthermore,
if there is both viability and capability, the council must consider the limits
and purpose of such a mission – whether it is a chapter 6 or chapter 7 mission
(or a chapter 6.5 mission). Questions of
the ongoing humanitarian crisis must be answered, including the hundreds of
thousands of internally displaced persons, and refugees in Kenya, Ethiopia
and Yemen
– especially after a draught in 2006, followed by some of the worst flooding in
Somali history. Finally, the actions of
nations to date have to be considered, and the implications of a much larger,
wider war across the entire Horn of Africa.
The crisis in Somalia is wide
spread and complex, with the presence of thousands of war lords, thousands of
outside forces, international jihadists, humanitarian
concerns, fractured politics and a nation separated by its own history.
.
Resources
UN Security Council Resolutions (available online through
the UN document system):
733 (1992); 746 (1992); 794 (1992); 1356
(2001); 1425 (2002); 1725 (2006); 1744 (2007); 501 (2007); and others.
Statements of the President, UN Security Council:
(available online through the UN
document system)
13 July 2006 (S/PRST/2006/31); 22 December
2006 (S/PRST/2006/59); 30 April 2007 (S/PRST/2007/13); 14 June 2007
(S/PRST/2007/19); and others.
UN Programme of Action on a
Culture of Peace (UN Document A/53/370)
Secretary General Report on Somalia, 25
June 2007 (UN Document S/2007/381)
Several International News
Outlets and the following books:
The Somalia
Affair: Reflections on Peacemaking and Peacekeeping, Dan G. Loomis
Somalia: Economy without State,
Peter D. Little
Economic Policy Agenda for Post-Civil War Somalia, Jamil Abdalla Mubarak
Networks of Dissolution: Somalia Undone,
Anna Simons
United Nations and Somalia, 1992-1996, UN Department
of Public Information
Modern History of Somalia:
Nation and State in the Horn of Africa, I.M.
Lewis
Red Sea Terror Triangle: Sudan,
Somalia, Yemen, and
Islamic Terror, Shaul Shai
Somali Dispute, John G. S. Drysdale
Somalia,
a Nation in Turmoil, Said. S. Smatar